THEOCRACY
 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Theocracy
Exclusive theocracy
Inclusive theocracy
Hierarchic heteronomy
State-capitalist heteronomy
State heteronomy
Mercantile and capitalist heteronomy
    The religious character of the commodity
    The commodity spectacle
    Work
Mercantile inclusivity

THEOCRACY
    All known societies have been and are theocratic. In all societies, humans have with their social system a relation of circular implication and reciprocal inherency - the humans make the system and the system makes the humans - but in a theocracy the undeniable fabrication of the system by the humans is subordinated to the fabrication of the humans by the autonomous system. The activity, production, world, power, being of a theocratic society take a separate transcendent form which it does not have the direction of but which dominates it. Alienation presents itself as alienation of society to its institutions, as autonomisation of the institutions with regard to society. Alienated social activity excludes all autonomous, explicit and practical manifestation of human will on any level whatsoever. Social institutions are a human creation, but in a theocracy they are a blind creation. Although all societies actually create themselves their institutions, organization relationships - whether they know it or not - in an alienated society they are not human undertakings but products of theocratic instances:
    Hierarchy, master, chief, ancients, heroes, king, state, leaders, bureaucracy, god, spirits, religion, Reason, “the laws of the history”, gender, race, nation, tradition, taboos, morals, spectacle, private property, commodity, money, capital.
    Theocracies have been and are exclusive or inclusive.
EXCLUSIVE THEOCRACY
   Exclusive or concentrated theocracy is a total dictatorship of significations. Sacred alienation, it officially and expressly incorporates in its institutions the undeniable idea for the members of society that this institution is not a human creation, that it was not created by humans, in any case not by the humans which are there at the moment or then by superhuman human. Dominating in a obvious way, it imposes an absolute, single and indisputable model; everything that deviates from it is repressed, excluded, suppressed. Everyone must conform to its rigid structure or disappear. The majority of history’s societies have been exclusive.
INCLUSIVE THEOCRACY
   Inclusive or diffuse theocracy is a dictatorship of significants. Profane alienation, it does not openly and explicitly claim a transcendental, universal and absolute foundation to the order it imposes. Appeared first once in ancient Greece then in the modern Europe of the XIIth and XIIIth centuries, theocratic inclusivity dominates in a latent way, almost ashamed, by compromise, and proceeds by explosion, parcellisation. Inclusive theocracy’s incredible capacity to resorb, hijack, recuperate, everything that calls it into question is a historically new phenomenon indissolubly related to the consequent historical appearance of the project of autonomy and of - simultaneously - its inclusive enemy-antidotes - state democracy and capitalism. Inclusive theocracy has transformed the project of autonomy into ideology. Inclusive heteronomous society builds its unity on conflict, false multiplicity, alienated otherness and pseudo-individuality. The shown division is united whereas the shown unity is divided. If modern theocracy is divided, it is to better reign. It does not seek to impose its heteronomous order in a totalitarian way by openly eliminating all that it denies but by diffusing itself everywhere, especially in what it denies. Recuperation is one of its essential characteristics. And that is why, where it is most advanced, the pseudo-democratic state and capitalism, the diversity of commodities and of parties, are the ideal forms through which can thrive this oppressive tolerance.
   Diffuse theocracy needs alienated contestations and maintains them; this pseudo-other is the leaven of the permissive repression on which it develops its reign. False oppositions are an integral part of the modern theocratic system and have only become increasingly vital to this order as it has become more and more inclusively heteronomous.
HIERARCHIC HETERONOMY
   These societies have generally been societies divided in classes, organized hierarchically, where the dominant class is the representant on earth of this foreign power.
   Knight and slave, patrician and plebian, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, and serf, noble, priest and third state, bourgeois, bureaucrate and proletarian, dominant and dominated, oppressor and oppressed, leader and executant, rich and poor, possessor and dispossessed.
   Class division is theocratic; and in historical societies, alienation appears to be embodied by the class structure and the domination by a minority; but in reality alienation exceeds these features. The suppression of alienation obviously presupposes the elimination of any domination by a particular class, but goes beyond this aspect because alienation has existed in societies which did not have a class structure, or even a significant social differentiation; and in theocracy the dominant class itself is in situation of alienation: its institutions do not have a relation of pure exteriority and instrumentality with it, it cannot mystify, alienate, the remainder of society with its ideology and “its” institutions without mystifying itself and being alienated itself at the same time.
STATE-CAPITALIST HETERONOMY
 Theocratic inclusion has built itself on, in and by an expansion of the fragmentation and cohesion deficit of the instances of class domination and alienation in general as well as of the global social articulation. The separation between "politics" and "economy" - the state-commodity world - is one of its major products. This scission is by no means a characteristic common to all societies or intrinsic to human nature, but a social articulation created by and indissociable of the emergence of bureaucratic -capitalism as well as of the correlative and consequent historical appearance of the project of autonomy, of which it is the decisive ideological-imaginary and practical resorption apparatus. Political "freedoms" and "free" trade are the ideological facades of the modern world’s secular transcendences. The profane heavens of the state and the commodity are the fictions ensuring the social system’s pseudo-immanence. The illusion of an autoproclamed intrinsic need - tautological or fallaciously "natural" or "rational" need - for this fractionation and the actually fragmented reality, fabricate and generate the system’s contestations which cannot think outside of it and which only reinforce its profound unity with each fragmentary attack.
STATE HETERONOMY
    The state separates political practice from human experience, political life from everyday life. Contemporary "politics" is titillating in that it continues to do all it can to move people away from the direction of their affairs while complaining about their "apathy". The sky of the state produces this new race of men: the bureaucratic class which, under the pretext of an abstract and imaginary general interest of which the state would be the fiction, only pursues and reproduces the particular interest which is the ultimate goal of the state, it's own. The state is the supreme capitalist company, the one which allows all the others. The specialization of power is the oldest separation. Separation between a minority which possesses the world and a majority which is submitted to it. The state, being the most archaic current form of this separation, is one of its first forms which must be destroyed. The liquidation of all forms of state will find its achievement in the generalized self-management, ensured by the direct democracy of the federated antitheocratic counsels in the horizontality of a world to which each one will be able to give its legitimate disproportion.
MERCANTILE AND CAPITALIST HETERONOMY
 Human beings, their various products or activities are incommensurable. The shoe-maker or the shoe are not equal or proportional, respectively, to the prostitute or the sexual act. Time - in hours, minutes, seconds - is measurable and comparable - one hour is equal to one hour; “work time” - the shoe-maker’s or the prostitute’s - or the time of any human activity - such as the time taken to extract a nasal dejection - is measurable and comparable with any other work time or duration of human activity; but from this tautology one cannot deduce a commensurability of human beings, of their needs, products or activities; nor a just form of distribution of social appropriation, nor ideal of social organization. Lived time - that of human activity - human needs or capacities are not reducible to measurable time. They can be “sufficiently in practice” but many “things” can be socially instituted and function “sufficiently in practice” - to treat other human beings like things, for example.
   But quantitative distribution - or appropriation - is not therefore an alienation “in itself”; i.e. considered abstractedly as a possibility or possible proposal of distribution of areas of social appropriation (consumption-production) limited in their range and time; and not considered effectively and social-historically. Quantitative distribution “in itself” - to exchange a pair of shoes against a sexual act “in itself”, for example - is not an alienation owing to the fact that it subjects social relations to an abstraction based on arithmetic equality or proportionality, or on another form of quantitative ratio such as a the transmutation of a quantity of common equivalent - and not of universal equivalent - in a “commodity” in order to convert it again into another quantity of common equivalent - a transaction “similar” to a capitalist exchange.
   Quantitative distribution - and subsequently mercantile and capitalist exchange which are forms of it - are not natural - or “real” - like a tree or gravitation for example, but a tree or gravitation are not social exchanges. Social relations are only tritely natural; they are not as specifically social-historic. The question of autonomy and alienation does not have anything to do with degrees of naturalness or artificiality contained in social relations. Quantitative distribution cannot have a transcendental base either; no metaphysical coagulation is of any help to found the distribution of social appropriation in an equitable - non alienating - way. In truth, this question - like all questions - cannot be founded absolutely. There is no natural, “real” or metaphysical law on which could be founded human exchanges or relations. The only equitable exchange - or just foundation to the distribution of social appropriation - is autonomous exchange; that which is instituted in an autonomous and explicit way; and which does not harm autonomy.
   An autonomous society could - and probably would - in an autonomous way, democratically institute forms of quantitative distribution for areas of appropriation explicitly limited in their range and time.
   Mercantile and capitalist quantitative distribution is an alienation because, as mercantile and capitalist, it is not instituted in an autonomous way and - as an effective form of social appropriation - it obstructs all autonomous human activity; it is an alienation as a tacitly universal movement - an automatic, irrevocable and systematic regulation of social relations; as a block to social, collective and individual autonomous appropriation; and as an implicit form of class domination partly disguised by an arithmetic pseudo-neutrality.
The religious character of the commodity
    Our commodity society is the realization of religion on earth. In religion, as in the commodity, man projects his own powers outside of him and loses himself in a fantastic world which he has himself created, but which dominates him like a foreign power, completely independent and detached from the individuals. If religion's ambition was the colonization of each aspect of life, the world still appeared too much as what it is, the product of relations between individuals, whereas the separated world of the commodity, quite superior, has succeded in completely alienating these relations into relations between things. Religion limited its range by over-preoccupying itself too much with qualitative details and has been exceeded by the commodity quantitative, the form which can contain all contents. Merchant tautology materially builds the religious illusion and produces real miracles by transforming time into money, men into goods, life into calculation. If long ago churches were the only places of contemplation, it is now reality in its whole which is molded to be contemplated. The Christians have left way to the spectators and economists are the worthy heirs of the priests, their jargon having nothing to envy, in mystification, the Latin of their counterparts of yester-year. The capital has drowned the abrupt character of the old hierarchical antagonisms in its commodity solution: radical egalitarianism in the contemplation of its spectacle. Thus it is the most terrestrial and daily life which has become opaque and unbreathable.
The commodity spectacle
    In the capitalist society, the worker does not produce himself, he produces an independent power, the capital. The success of this production, its abundance, returns to the producer as an abundance of dispossession. All the time and space of his world becomes foreign to him with the accumulation of his alienated products. The image of his world develops independently from him in the form of an autonomous movement of images. The modern proletarian, elevated to the rank of consumer, is thus reduced to the state of spectator of his dispossession. The choice in consumption and the diversity of the goods to be consumed are never but a choice in the state of dispossession and the consumption of a diversity of alienations. Where the real world changes into simple images, simple images become real beings and the efficient motivations of hypnotic behaviors. The alienation of the spectator in favor of the contemplated object founds this empire of the modern passivity. There cannot be freedom outside of activity, but all activity is denied. Thus the famous “liberation of work” and the development of leisure are only an illusion. Nothing in the activity stolen in work can be restored in the submission to its result. In consumption, what is required is to take part more deeply in the dispossession of all aspects of one's life
Work
    If capitalism is the accomplished form of the division of labor, work is already the division of life. As they are forced to sell themselves to the owners of the material means of their life in order to buy their survival from these same owners, the workers are, behind the democratic dressing-up, the property of these owners. The workers are commodities which have but a shadow of a choice on their life. And the unemployed are only the mass of unsold goods. The fear of unemployment is one of the main attractions of the spectacle which aims at rendering desirable, or presenting as impossible to circumvent, their alienation to the masses. The owners thus keep them busy claiming slavery for all so as to prevent them from abolishing their enslavement. But because unemployment contradicts the self-justifications - right with work, work-ethic - which society has given to the wage system, base of the enslavement to capital, the false enemies and the accomplices of the commodity dictatorship simultaneously endeavor to minimize the seditious consequences it could cause by pataphysical measures - deceleration of automation, reduction of work-time de travail, charity. The real problem of our time, against which it is necessary to fight, is not unemployment but commodity enslavement. We do not want jobs but the free use of life.
MERCANTILE INCLUSIVITY
 Each given commodity fights for itself, cannot recognize the others, claims to impose itself everywhere as if it were the only one. The become-world of the commodity is the become-commodity of the world. By a trick of mercantile reason, the particular of the commodity wears out in struggle, while the commodity form goes towards its absolute realization.

   The project of abolishing all alienation and exploitation is none other than that of making impossible everything that exists independently of individuals, to replace theocratic will by individual will.


 
 






















































































 
 






















































































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